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L’État profond américain est né en Angleterre

lundi 9 juin 2025, par anonyme (Date de rédaction antérieure : 9 juin 2025).

https://www.breizh-info.com/2025/06…

9 juin 2025

Jean Goychman

Dans son livre « L’histoire secrète de l’oligarchie anglo-américaine », publié en 1981 quatre ans après sa mort, Caroll Quigley retrace toute l’histoire du « monde oligarchique et opaque dont l’action a été déterminante pour le monde anglo-saxon ».

Le premier chapitre commence ainsi : « Un après-midi hivernal de février 1891, à Londres, trois hommes s’engagèrent dans une conversation sérieuse. Des conséquences de la plus grande importance pour l’Empire britannique et le monde dans son ensemble devaient en découler. Ils étaient en train d’organiser une société secrète qui allait être, pendant plus de cinquante ans, l’une des forces d’élaboration et d’exécution les plus importantes de la politique impériale et étrangère britannique »

Ces trois personnages étaient des gens très connus en Angleterre. Leur chef était Cecil Rhodes, l’homme le plus important d’Afrique du Sud et il était doté d’une immense fortune. Il donnera plus tard son nom à la Rhodésie. Le deuxième était William T. Stead, journaliste très célèbre . Le troisième était Reginald Baliol Brett, qui devint lord Esher et fut le conseiller d’Edward VII et de Georges V. Leur projet était très simple : « Cecil Rhodes croyait comme John Ruskin que seule l’élite britannique pouvait et devrait diriger le monde pour le bien et le bonheur de l’humanité ».

Qui était Cecil Rhodes ?

Toujours d’après Quigley, Rodes était franc-macon et avait été initié par la loge N° 357 de l’université d’Apollo et élevé au grade de Maître Maçon en 1877. Cependant il critiquait beaucoup la franc-maçonnerie « pour son impotence et son incompétence à faire progresser les intêrets de la race britannique ». Il écrivit pas moins de sept testaments afin d’utiliser son immense fortune dans différents projets « mondialistes » tout au long de sa vie. Le premier était de constituer une société secrète dont l’objectif serait de se consacrer « au retour de l’Angleterre à sa gloire d’antan » Ainsi fut constituée la « Round Table » (Table ronde) qui devint rapidement le plus puissant organe de la confrérie britannique.

Cette société secrète est par ailleurs mentionnée dans cinq des sept testaments qu’il a rédigé, et notamment celui créant une institution éducative dans laquelle les étudiants se verraient octroyer une bourse d’études. Le prix Cecil Rhodes est toujours attribué de nos jours. A sa mort en 1902, Cecil Rhodes avait 48 ans et sa fortune, déjà considérable, s’était augmentée de la prise de possession des mines d’or et de diamants appartenant à la « de Beers » en Afrique du Sud.

Son troisième testament avait fait de Lord Nathan Mayer Rothschild son légataire universel.

La round table s’étoffe avant de s’exporter

Dès son origine, la Round Table , quelquefois appelée « groupe de Milner » ou encore « le jardin d’enfants de Milner » était conçue pour pouvoir s’exporter. La création du RIIA (Royal Institute of International Affairs), souvent appelé « Chattam House » en 1920 a servi de modèle au CFR (Council on Foreign Relations) américain en 1921 ainsi qu’à l’IPR (Institute of Pacific Relations) en 1925, témoigne de cette volonté d’internationalisation, voire de « mondialisation ».

C’est à la fin de la première guerre mondiale que cette influence héritée de la Round Table se fit sentir aux États-Unis lorsque le CFR, sous l’impulsion de son président Edward Mendell House, véritable « nounou » de Woodrow Wilson, créa la SDN (Société Des Nations) qui était l’ancêtre de l’ONU. Peter Dale Scott, dans son livre « l’Etat-profond américain » (eds Demi-lune) fait de nombreuses références au CFR. Ce think-tank (littéralement « réservoir de pensée ») a progressivement pris en charge la politique étrangère américaine et, de ce fait, est devenu un des piliers de ce qui est aujourd’hui appelé « l’Etat-profond américain »

Mondialiste par essence, cette société secrète a compris au fil du temps que la puissance britannique devait être renforcée par la puissance américaine et que le concours de la City était nécessaire afin d’établir cette domination mondiale.

La finance internationale veut contrôler la monnaie américaine

Peter Dale Scott relate , dans son chapitre consacré à « l’État profond, le gouvernement de l’ombre et le supramonde de Wall Street (p 44 et 45) :

« Une thèse importante de ce chapitre et de cet ouvrage consiste à démontrer que, dans les milieux méconnus et pratiquement non régulés du supramonde et de l’État profond, nous pouvons observer non seulement leur influence prédominante, mais aussi leurs actes illégaux et antisociaux, voire meurtriers ». L’inclusion par Mike Lofgren de Wall Street dans sa définition de l’État profond renforce l’observation de Franklin Roosevelt, adressée en 1933 à son ami le « colonel » E.M.House » « la vérité (…) est, comme vous et moi le savons, qu’une composante financière s’est emparée du gouvernement depuis l’époque d’Andrew Jackson ».

Dans cette phrase, Roosevelt fait naturellement allusion à la création de la Réserve fédérale, qui n’a d’ailleurs rien de « fédéral » et à laquelle Edward Mendell House avait participé. Mais il remonte plus en amont de l’histoire en citant Andrew Jackson qui avait été un opposant résolu à toute banque centrale américaine. Jackson avait déclaré

« La Banque essaie de me tuer mais c’est moi qui la tuerait ! » a-t-il confié au vice-président Martin Van Buren. Cela dénote déjà l’antagonisme quasi structurel qui oppose les banquiers internationaux à la démocratie américaine.

La dernière tentative pour redonner le contrôle de sa monnaie au peuple américain, tel qu’il est défini dans l’Article premier de la Constitution de 1787 fut effectuée par Abraham Lincoln en 1863 avec l’émission par le Congrès des « green back dollars ».

Il fut assassiné en 1865…

Ayant pris le contrôle de la monnaie américaine le 23 décembre 1913, l’exécution du plan mondialiste devenait possible. La FED et la Banque d’Angleterre pouvaient dès lors financer la Première guerre mondiale. Le seul adversaire de cet État profond demeurait le peuple américain lui-même et son « isolationnisme » théorisé par la « Doctrine de Monroe » de 1823.

1949 consacre la domination de l’État profond

Les États-Unis sont les vainqueurs en 1945 en tant que puissance maritime. Ils allaient dominer les échanges internationaux grâce au dollar que l’État profond réussit à imposer comme monnaie internationale. Un complexe « militaro-industriel » né de la guerre et en particulier du projet « Manhattan » allait permettre à l’armée américaine d’être le « bras armé des mondialistes » et d’imposer à partir de 1949 une sorte de « gouvernement de l’ombre » au travers du projet dit « du jugement dernier », justifié par le fait que l’URSS était devenue une puissance nucléaire. Il fallait trouver une parade à la destruction simultanée des trois centres de pouvoir que sont la Maison Blanche, le Capitole et le Pentagone. Dans ce cas, une autorité non-élue prendrait le pouvoir pour continuer la guerre et riposter.

En 1961, Eisenhower, dans son discours d’adieu dénonce le complexe militaro -industriel comme un danger pour la démocratie. En novembre 1963, Kennedy dénonce un « pouvoir de l’ombre » qui s’est installé à la Maison Blanche.

En 1981, l’État profond s’installe au cœur du pouvoir sous Reagan et son vice-président Georges H Bush s’assiéra dans le bureau oval en 1989. Le Jugement dernier prendra le nom beaucoup plus explicite de « COG » (Continuity Of Government)

En 1991, la disparition de l’URSS laissera l’État profond seul en lice pour achever sa prise de domination mondiale tout en restant ignoré de la quasi-totalité de l’humanité. Francis Fukuyama pensait que « c’était la fin de l’histoire » mais pourtant tout n’était pas dit. La cupidité des banquiers internationaux qui gagnaient déjà des sommes fabuleuses avec les intérêts d’une dette payés par les contribuables alors que l’argent prêté venait de nulle part, est allée trop loin en transférant les processus industriels à des pays « en voie de développement ». Ceux-ci, et en particulier la Chine, ont vite compris le profit qu’ils allaient pouvoir en tirer.

Quel avenir pour l’État profond qui voulait être le « Supramonde » ?

Pour installer un gouvernement mondial qui était leur but ultime, il fallait continuer à rester dans une ombre protectrice. David Rockefeller, fondateur du « Bilderberg » et de la « Commission trilatérale », deux think tanks souchés sur le CFR, l’avait parfaitement compris. Le grain de sable qui a obligé l’État profond à s’exposer en pleine lumière s’appelle Donald Trump. Élu contre toute attente contre la candidate de l’État profond en 2016, il déclarait en 2017 que « les mondialistes n’avaient plus d’avenir » Cependant, il a perdu l’élection de 2020 et ses adversaires ont cru qu’ils avaient gagné en plaçant Joe Biden à la Maison Blanche. C’était trop visible, trop criant.

Le peuple américain voulait renouer avec les valeurs qui étaient les siennes à la création des États-Unis.

Aujourd’hui, ce sont les cinq-sixièmes de la population mondiale qui aspirent au maintien des souverainetés nationales. A moins d’une guerre mondiale qui, – faut-il l’espérer ? – n’aura pas lieu,le plan mondialiste n’arrivera pas à son terme.

Carroll Quigley

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Carro…

9 juin 2025 13h23

Born November 9, 1910
Boston, Massachusetts, U.S.
Died January 3, 1977 (aged 66)
Washington, D.C., U.S
Alma mater Harvard University
Occupation(s) professor, historian, author
Known for professor at Georgetown University
Notable work
Spouse Lillian Fox Quigley
Children 2
Awards
  • Georgetown University Faculty Award (four consecutive years, 1973–1976)
  • Georgetown University's 175th Anniversary Medal of Merit (1964)
Website carrollquigley.net

Carroll Quigley (/ˈkwɪɡli/; November 9, 1910 – January 3, 1977) was an American historian and theorist of the evolution of civilizations. He is remembered for his teaching work as a professor at Georgetown University, and his seminal works, The Evolution of Civilizations: An Introduction to Historical Analysis, and Tragedy And Hope; A History Of The World In Our Time, in which he states that an Anglo-American banking elite have worked together for centuries to spread certain values globally.[1]

Life and career

Born in Boston, Quigley attended Harvard University, where he studied history and earned B.A, M.A., and Ph.D. degrees. He taught at Princeton University, and then at Harvard, and then from 1941 to 1976 at the School of Foreign Service at Georgetown University.[2]

From 1941 until 1972, he taught a two-semester course at Georgetown on the development of civilizations. According to his obituary in The Washington Star, many alumni of Georgetown's School of Foreign Service asserted that this was "the most influential course in their undergraduate careers".[2]

In addition to his academic work, Quigley served as a consultant to the U.S. Department of Defense, the United States Navy, the Smithsonian Institution, and the House Select Committee on Astronautics and Space Exploration in the 1950s.[2] He was also a book reviewer for The Washington Star, and a contributor and editorial board member of Current History.[1]: 94 

Quigley retired from Georgetown in June 1976 after being honored by the student body with its Faculty Award for the fourth consecutive year.[3][2] He died the following year at Georgetown University Hospital following a heart attack.[3]

Major conclusions

Inclusive diversity

Quigley's work emphasized "inclusive diversity" as a core value of Western civilization,[4] contrasting it with the dualism of Plato.[5] He concluded the book Tragedy and Hope with the hope that the West could "resume its development along its old patterns of Inclusive Diversity".[6] From his study of history, "it is clear that the West believes in diversity rather than in uniformity, in pluralism rather than in monism or dualism, in inclusion rather than exclusion, in liberty rather than in authority, in truth rather than in power, in conversion rather than in annihilation, in the individual rather than in the organization, in reconciliation rather than in triumph, in heterogeneity rather than in homogeneity, in relativisms rather than in absolutes, and in approximations rather than in final answers."[7]

Quigley asserts that any intolerance or rigidity in the religious practices of the West are aberrations from its nature of inclusivity and diversity. Quigley points to the tolerance and flexibility in Aquinas's belief that theological truth is revealed over time through dialogue within the Christian community, which allows the community to adapt to a changing world.[8][9]

Institutionalization and the fall of civilizations

Having studied the rise and fall of civilizations, "Quigley found the explanation of disintegration in the gradual transformation of social 'instruments' into 'institutions,' that is, transformation of social arrangements functioning to meet real social needs into social institutions serving their own purposes regardless of real social needs".[10]

Weapons and democracy

From a historical study of weapons and political dynamics, Quigley concludes that the characteristics of weapons are the main predictor of democracy.[11][12] Democracy tends to emerge only when the best weapons available are easy for individuals to buy and use.[13] This explains why democracy occurs so rarely in human history.[14]

In the 1800s (peaking in the 1880s), guns were the best weapon available. In America, almost everyone could afford to buy a gun, and could learn how to use it fairly easily. Governments couldn't do any better: it became the age of mass armies of citizen soldiers with guns.[13] (Similarly, Periclean Greece was an age of the citizen soldier and of democracy[14]).

In the 1900s, expensive, specialist weapons (such as tanks and bombers) became available, and citizen soldiers became dominated by specialist soldiers.[15] Quigley notes that the slaughter of World War I (1914-1918) was due to the mismatch between the traditional armies (citizen soldiers) and the available weapons (machine guns used defensively).[16]

Style

Quigley's writing style is dense, influenced by a former history professor of his:

"As we raced along, Goethe was covered in fifteen minutes, Schiller in ten, Fichte in five...he covered any topic simply by slicing it up into a small number of parts and giving a name to each part. The complex character and achievement of Goethe, for example, were divided into six portions, each was given a title, and, ever after, the whole of Goethe could be evoked merely by reciting six words...I should like to outdare even my former professor by dividing this greater complexity [Classical culture] into only five parts."[17]

Quigley's analytical style is scientific, stemming from his earlier training in physics.[18][19]

In this book we are concerned with the social sciences...and particularly with the effort to apply a scientific method of observation, formulation of hypotheses, and testing to such phenomena. The enormous size of this field has made it advisable to curtail our attention to the process of social change, especially in civilizations.[20]

Influence on Bill Clinton

In his first year (1965) in the School of Foreign Service at Georgetown, Bill Clinton took Quigley's course, receiving a 'B' as his final grade in both semesters (an excellent grade in a course where nearly half the students received D or lower).[1]: 94, 96  In 1991, Clinton named Quigley as an important influence on his aspirations and political philosophy, when Clinton launched his presidential campaign in a speech at Georgetown.[1]: 96  He said he learned from Quigley that “The future can be better than the past, and that each of us has a personal, moral responsibility to make it so.” Bill Clinton told his audiences, “that is what the new choice is all about....We are not here to save the Democratic party. We are here to save the United States of America.” It was Clinton's most effective speech, and he repeated variations time and time again as the blueprint for his campaign message in winning the Democratic nomination and the general election for President of the United States in 1992.[21][22]

The same remark on American greatness was recalled by Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi, who met her husband in Quigley's class on African history.[23]

Quigley and the Round Table group

One distinctive feature of Quigley's historical writings is his assertion that the Round Table movement played a significant role in recent world history. His writing on this topic has made Quigley famous among many who investigate conspiracy theories.[1]: 96, 98 

Quigley and the Milner Group

In the "Anglo American Establishment he focuses on the Round Table group founded in 1891 by Cecil Rhodes and Alfred Milner. Quigley argues that "The organization was so modified and so expanded by Milner after the eclipse of Stead in 1899, and especially after the death of Rhodes in 1902, that it took on quite a different organization and character, although it continued to pursue the same goals."[24] Quigley greatly admired the British Empire and lamented that the secret society was not very successful. Historian Robert Rotberg states:

"But Quigley was not opposed to what Rhodes and Milner had purportedly tried to accomplish. Indeed, Quigley wrote more in remorse at what had failed than in antagonism to what he believed were their mutual efforts at extending the British Empire,"[25]

The society consisted of an inner circle ("The Society of the Elect") and an outer circle ("The Association of Helpers", also known as The Milner Kindergarten and the Round Table Group).[26] The society as a whole does not have a fixed name:

This society has been known at various times as Milner's Kindergarten, as the Round Table Group, as the Rhodes crowd, as The Times crowd, as the All Souls group, and as the Cliveden set. ... I have chosen to call it the Milner group. Those persons who have used the other terms, or heard them used, have not generally been aware that all these various terms referred to the same Group...this Group is, as I shall show, one of the most important historical facts of the twentieth century.[27]: ix 

Quigley assigns this group primary or exclusive credit for several historical events: the Jameson Raid, the Second Boer War, the founding of the Union of South Africa, the replacement of the British Empire with the Commonwealth of Nations, and a number of Britain's foreign policy decisions in the twentieth century.[27]: 5 

In 1966, Quigley published a one-volume history of the twentieth century, titled Tragedy and Hope. At several points in this book, the history of the Milner group is discussed. Moreover, Quigley states that he has recently been in direct contact with this organization, whose nature he contrasts to right-wing claims of a communist conspiracy:

This radical Right fairy tale, which is now an accepted folk myth in many groups in America, pictured the recent history of the United States, in regard to domestic reform and in foreign affairs, as a well-organized plot by extreme Left-wing elements ... This myth, like all fables, does in fact have a modicum of truth. There does exist, and has existed for a generation, an international Anglophile network which operates, to some extent, in the way the Radical right believes the Communists act. In fact, this network, which we may identify as the Round Table Groups, has no aversion to cooperating with the Communists, or any other group, and frequently does so. I know of the operation of this network because I have studied it for twenty years and was permitted for two years, in the early 1960s, to examine its papers and secret records. I have no aversion to it or to most of its aims and have, for much of my life, been close to it and to many of its instruments. I have objected, both in the past and recently, to a few of its policies... but in general my chief difference of opinion is that it wishes to remain unknown, and I believe its role in history is significant enough to be known.[28]: 949–950 

According to Quigley, the leaders of this group were Cecil Rhodes and Alfred Milner from 1891 until Rhodes' death in 1902, Milner alone until his own death in 1925, Lionel Curtis from 1925 to 1955, Robert H. (Baron) Brand from 1955 to 1963, and Adam D. Marris from 1963 until the time Quigley wrote his book. This organization also functioned through certain loosely affiliated "front groups", including the Royal Institute of International Affairs, the Institute of Pacific Relations, and the Council on Foreign Relations.[28]: 132, 950–952 

In addition, other secret societies are briefly discussed in Tragedy and Hope, including a consortium of the leaders of the central banks of several countries, who formed the Bank for International Settlements.[28]: 323–324  Historian Robert Rotberg reports that, "Unfortunately, Tragedy and Hope lacks the usual scholarly apparatus. It cites nothing."[29]

Citations of Quigley in exposés of purported conspiracies

Soon after its publication, Tragedy and Hope caught the attention of authors interested in conspiracies. They proceeded to publicize Quigley's claims, disseminating them to a much larger audience than his original readership.[1]: 96, 98 

This began in 1970, when W. Cleon Skousen published The Naked Capitalist: A Review and Commentary on Dr. Carroll Quigley's Book "Tragedy and Hope". The first third of this book consists of extensive excerpts from Tragedy and Hope, interspersed with commentary by Skousen. Skousen quotes Quigley's description of the activities of several groups — the Milner Group, a cartel of international bankers, the Communist Party, the Institute of Pacific Relations, and the Council on Foreign Relations. According to Skousen's interpretation of Quigley's book, each of these is a facet of one large conspiracy.[30] The following year, G. Edward Griffin released the documentary The Capitalist Conspiracy: An Inside View of International Banking, crediting the Skousen book: "We wish to acknowledge that this film was inspired by Cleon Skousen's book, The Naked Capitalist, which we believe is one of the most important documents of the decade."[31] Quigley responded directly to Skousen in a review stating that Skousen "has echoes of the original Nazi 25 point program."[32]

In 1971, Gary Allen, a spokesman for the John Birch Society, published None Dare Call It Conspiracy, which became a bestseller. Allen cited Quigley's Tragedy and Hope as an authoritative source on conspiracies throughout his book. Like Skousen, Allen understood the various conspiracies in Quigley's book to be branches of one large conspiracy, and also connected them to the Bilderbergers and to Richard Nixon.[33] The John Birch Society continues to cite Quigley as a primary source for their view of history.[34]

Quigley is also cited by several other authors who assert the existence of powerful conspiracies. Jim Marrs, whose work was used as a source by Oliver Stone in his film JFK, cites Quigley in his book Rule By Secrecy, which describes a conspiracy linking the Milner Group, Skull and Bones, the Trilateral Commission, the Bavarian Illuminati, the Knights Templar, and aliens who posed as the Sumerian gods thousands of years ago.[35] Pat Robertson's book The New World Order cites Quigley as an authority on a powerful conspiracy.[1]: 98  Conservative activist Phyllis Schlafly has asserted that Bill Clinton's political success was due to his pursuit of the "world government" agenda he learned from Quigley.[1]: 98  G. Edward Griffin relies heavily on Quigley for information about the role Milner's secret society plays in the Federal Reserve in his book The Creature from Jekyll Island: A Second Look at the Federal Reserve.[36]

Quigley was dismissive of the authors who used his writings to support theories of a world domination conspiracy. Of W. Cleon Skousen's The Naked Capitalist he stated:

Skousen's book is full of misrepresentations and factual errors. He claims that I have written of a conspiracy of the super-rich who are pro-Communist and wish to take over the world and that I'm a member of this group. But I never called it a conspiracy and don't regard it as such. I'm not an "insider" of these rich persons, although Skousen thinks so. I happen to know some of them and liked them, although I disagreed with some of the things they did before 1940.[37]

On Gary Allen's None Dare Call It Conspiracy he said:

They thought Dr. Carroll Quigley proved everything. For example, they constantly misquote me to this effect: that Lord Milner (the dominant trustee of the Cecil Rhodes Trust and a heavy in the Round Table Group) helped finance the Bolsheviks. I have been through the greater part of Milner's private papers and have found no evidence to support that. Further, None Dare Call It Conspiracy insists that international bankers were a single bloc, were all powerful and remain so today. I, on the contrary, stated in my book that they were much divided, often fought among themselves, had great influence but not control of political life and were sharply reduced in power about 1931-1940, when they became less influential than monopolized industry.[38]

Criticism

F. William Engdahl, in an overview of financial imperialism entitled The Gods of Money, criticized Quigley for stating that the power of international bankers declined in the 1930s, and insofar as the influence of international bankers in America was concerned, suggested that Quigley was confusing "international finance" with Morgan interests. He suggested, like Sutton, that Quigley's papers had been vetted. Engdahl argued that it was not the case that the power of "international finance" declined, but rather, Morgan interests fell and were replaced by Rockefeller interests.[39]

Quigley stated that the intentions and objectives of the group he profiled, associated with Wall Street and the City of London and Cecil Rhodes' super-imperialism, were "largely commendable". Members of the group, in statements recorded by the New York Times in 1902, proclaimed that they formed their society for the purpose of "gradually absorbing the wealth of the world".[40]

Quigley argued that the Round Table groups were not World Government advocates but super-imperialists. He stated that they emphatically did not want the League of Nations to become a World Government. Yet Lionel Curtis, who, according to Quigley, was one of the leaders of the Round Table movement, wished for it to be a World government with teeth, writing articles with H. G. Wells urging this.[41]

Bibliography

Books written by Quigley

Collected works

Articles about Quigley

Rotberg states: "Quigley nowhere proves anything. He hints, he implies, he supposes and he presumes." (p. 554)

References

  • McLemee, Scott (Dec. 1996). "The Quigley Cult." George, vol. 1, no. 10, pp. 94, 96, 98.
  • Staff writer (Jan. 6, 1977). Obituary. Washington Star. p. B-4.
  • Staff writer (Jan. 6, 1977). "Carroll Quigley Dies, GU Professor"(obituary). Washington Post (Jan. 6, 1977), p. B10. Archived from the original.
  • Carroll Quigley (1966). Tragedy and hope: a history of the world in our time. Macmillan. pp. 1227–34. ISBN 9780945001010. Retrieved 20 May 2013.
  • Quigley, Carroll (1966). Tragedy and Hope: A History of the World in Our Time. New York: Macmillan, p. 84. ISBN 978-0945001010.
  • Carroll Quigley (1966). Tragedy and hope: a history of the world in our time. Macmillan. p. 1311. ISBN 9780945001010. Retrieved 20 May 2013.
  • Carroll Quigley (1966). Tragedy and hope: a history of the world in our time. Macmillan. p. 1227. ISBN 9780945001010. Retrieved 20 May 2013.
  • Aquinas, Thomas (October 26, 2006). Summa Theologiae: vol. 1, Christian Theology: 1a. 1. Cambridge University Press. pp. 102–. ISBN 978-0521029094. Retrieved May 20, 2013., quoted on p1230 of Tragedy and Hope.
  • Hogan, Harry J. (1979). Foreword to The Evolution of Civilizations: An Introduction to Historical Analysis. Liberty Press, p. 18. ISBN 978-0913966563.
  • Harry J Hogan in the foreword (p17) and Quigley in the conclusion (p416) to Carroll Quigley (1979). The evolution of civilizations: an introduction to historical analysis. Liberty Press. ISBN 978-0-913966-56-3. Retrieved 26 May 2013.
  • Foreword, written by historian Harry J Hogan Archived 2013-09-01 at the Wayback Machine in 1982, to Quigley's Weapons Systems and Political Stability
  • See also: Starr, Chester G. (Feb. 1984). Review of Weapons Systems and Political Stability: A History, by Carroll Quigley. American Historical Review, vol. 89, no. 1. pp. 98-99. JSTOR 1855933.
  • Quigley, Carroll (1983). Weapons Systems and Political Stability: A History. University Press of America. pp. 38–39. ISBN 978-0819129475. Retrieved 20 May 2013.
  • Carroll Quigley (1983). Weapons Systems and Political Stability: A History. University Press of America. p. 307. ISBN 978-0819129475. Retrieved 20 May 2013.
  • Carroll Quigley (1983). Weapons Systems and Political Stability: A History. University Press of America. p. 58. ISBN 978-0819129475. Retrieved 20 May 2013.
  • Carroll Quigley (1983). Weapons Systems and Political Stability: A History. University Press of America. p. 53. ISBN 978-0819129475. Retrieved 20 May 2013.
  • Evolution of Civilizations, pp278-9
  • foreword (by Harry J Hogan) to Evolution of Civilizations, pp.13-14
  • see also Evolution of Civilizations, chapter 1: Scientific Method and the Social Sciences
  • Evolution of Civilizations, p.47
  • Bill Clinton, My Life (2004) p. 366.
  • Bill Clinton, (July 16, 1992). "Acceptance Speech." New York: Democratic National Convention.
  • Pelosi, Nancy (May 18, 2002). "Remarks at Georgetown University School of Foreign Service Commencement, Washington, D.C." Archived from the original.
  • The Anglo-American Establishment, ch.1
  • Robert I. Rotberg (2014). "Did Cecil Rhodes Really Try to Control the World?." Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, vol. 42, no. 3 (2014), pp. 551-567. doi:10.1080/03086534.2014.934000. (p. 554)
  • Quigley, Carroll (1981). The Anglo-American Establishment, ch.1. Books in Focus. p. 5. ISBN 978-0-916728-50-2.
  • Carroll Quigley (1981). The Anglo-American Establishment: From Rhodes to Cliveden. New York: Books in Focus. ISBN 978-0916728502.
  • Carroll Quigley (1966). Tragedy and Hope: A History of the World in Our Time. New York: Macmillan.
  • Rotberg, "Did Cecil Rhodes Really Try to Control the World?" p. 553.
  • W. Cleon Skousen (1970). The Naked Capitalist: A Review and Commentary on Dr. Carroll Quigley's Book "Tragedy and Hope". Salt Lake City, UT: privately published. pp. 1–6, 38–44 (communists), 6–24 (bankers), 26–38 (Rhodes and Milner), 45–48 (IPR), 50–57 (CFR).
  • Vol. 1 (1971). The Capitalist Conspiracy: An Inside View of International Banking (credit at 1m:39s) (Documentary). American Media. OCLC 5558340.
  • Quigley, Carroll. "Quigleys Response." Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought, Vol. 6, Nos. 3/4, Autumn/Winter 1971, p. 110. Full issue available.
  • Gary Allen with Larry Abraham (1971). None Dare Call It Conspiracy. Rossmoor, CA: Concord Press. Quigley is cited on pp. 12-13, 39, 42, 57, 59, 79-82, 85; his photo is on p. 52.
  • For example, a quotation from Quigley is displayed on the back cover of John F. McManus (2004). The Insiders: Architects of the New World Order. Appleton, WI: John Birch Society.
  • Jim Marrs (2000). Rule By Secrecy: The Hidden History that Connects the Trilateral Commission, the Freemasons, and the Great Pyramids. New York: HarperCollins. Quigley is cited on pp. 7, 84, 86-89, 109.
  • Griffin, G. Edward. The Creature from Jekyll Island: A Second Look at the Federal Reserve. Appleton, Wis.: American Opinion, by arrangement with American Media (Westlake Village, Calif.), 1994. ISBN 978-0912986395.
  • Wes Christenson (Mar 1972). "Quigley ... making Birchers bark". Georgetown Today. 4 (4): 12–13.
  • Rudy Maxa (March 23, 1975). "The Professor Who Knew Too Much". The Washington Post Magazine. Vol. 1, no. 10. pp. 17, 22, 26–28.
  • Engdahl, F. William (2009). The Gods of Money: Wall Street and the Death of the American Century. Wiesbaden, Germany: Edition.engdahl. pp. 81-135.
  • Staff writer (Apr. 9, 1902). "Mr. Rhodes's Ideal of Anglo-Saxon Greatness—Statement of His Aims, Written for W.T. Stead In 1890. He Believed a Wealthy Secret Society Should Work to Secure the World's Peace and a British-American Federation." New York Times.
  • 2 Messages de forum

    • Ces gens là, capables de tout et surtout du pire, peuvent nous réserver une surprise de taille pour se sauver.

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    • Breizh info est un site d’extrème droite…très facho. De très mauvaise qualité à ses débuts, il s’étoffe et se lisse vers une présentation généraliste, du sport à l’actualité (bientôt la météo ?) et cherche une légitimité régionnaliste. L’identité Bretonne en général est très antifasciste. La région est ouverte sur le monde, c’est un peuple de marins, de voyageurs. La langue Bretonne fait partie des langues gaëliques parlées du nord Galice en espagne au pays de Galles. Il y a beaucoup de liens avec l’irlande. Le front national de l’époque Le Pen père avait identifié comme un réservoir potentiel pour recruter, les mouvances régionnalistes. Breizh info est un outil de cette offensive. Mais son idéologie est en complère rupture avec la tradition culturelle Bretonne, musicienne, danseuse, maritime, paysanne, ouvrière et tolérante bien que souvent catho…Cet article est intéressant, mais attention à Breizh info. Ce sont des imposteurs et usurpateurs de la culture Bretonne. Mais oui, encore une fois, ils prennent la place que la gauche a laissé libre…où est la gauched’ailleurs ?..la gauche ? Elle est "anti-complotiste", trop intelligente pour s’être "fait avoir" ! Par ce fait elle est souvent le bon toutou de macron et de ses employeurs…

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